CHAPTER
ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background to the Study
Historically,
domestic violence has been framed and understood exclusively as a women’s
issue. Domestic abuse affects women, but also has devastating consequences for
other populations and societal institutions. Men also can be victims of abuse;
children are affected by exposure to domestic violence in their communities.
The effects of domestic violence on victims are more typically recognized, but
perpetrators also are impacted by their abusive behavior as they stand to lose
children, damage relationships, and face legal consequences. Domestic violence
cut across every segment of society and occurs in all age, racial, ethnic,
socio-economic, sexual orientation, and religious groups. (Heise, 1993) Domestic
violence is a social, economic, and health concern that does not discriminate.
As a result, communities across the country are developing strategies to stop
the violence and provide safe solutions for victims of domestic violence.
(Gender Action 1997)
The reality has been that women and girls are
exposed to violence virtually all through their lifecycle (Ajala, 2007).Thus,
efforts to empower women must address current norms and traditional social
customs that legitimize violence against them; a well as legislation and
enforcement of laws that discriminate against them. This is necessary in order
to reduce the incessant incidence of violence against women in the
country. The US Office on Violence
against Women (OVW) defines domestic violence as:
“Patterns of abusive behavior in
any relationship that is used by one partner to gain or maintain power and
control over another intimate partner”.
The
definition adds that domestic violence can happen to anyone regardless of race,
age, sexual orientation, religion, or gender and can take any forms, including
physical abuse, sexual abuse, emotional, economic, and psychological abuse.
(Rennison, 2003).
Domestic
violence against women and girls is one of the most pervasive human rights
abuse in the world today (Heise, 1993). It has denied several women and girl
children their equality, security, dignity, self-worth, and their rights to
enjoy fundamental freedoms. It cuts across family circle and society at large.
The reality has been that women and girls are exposed to violence virtually all
through their lifecycle (Ajala, 2007). The United Nations Declaration on the
Elimination of Violence against Women (1993) defines violence against women as:
any act of gender-based violence
that results in or, is likely to result in, physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women,
including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of
liberty whether occurring in public or in private life.
UN
Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women identifies such
violence against women in the family to include battering, sexual abuse of
female children in the household, dowry-related violence, marital rape, female
genital mutilation and other traditional practices harmful to women,
non-spousal violence and violence related to exploitation. In Africa, the major
types of gender-based violence that affect parental responsibility include
domestic violence, harmful traditional practices such as early marriage, son
preference; childhood sexual abuse
especially of girls, and female genital mutilation and trafficking in women and
forced prostitution. Gender-based violence in Africa
disproportionately affects more women than men.
The
factors attributing to violence against women include economic factors related
to poverty, socio-cultural factors, conflict and insecurity. However, lack of
economic autonomy, denial of property rights, lack of access to shelter,
illiteracy and fear of losing children, restrict women’s ability to escape
domestic violence, to obtain protection and access to the criminal justice
system. Poverty, especially, forces women and girls to stay in violence based
sexual alliances as a survival strategy thereby increasing their vulnerability
to HIV infection, social and cultural practices manifested in unequal power
relations between men and women; such as patriarchy, and traditional and
harmful practices result in different forms of violence against women.
Violence
against women is a fundamental violation of human rights as highlighted in the
African Platform for Action and the Dakar Declaration of 1994. The Declaration
acknowledged that in most African countries, (including Nigeria),
violence against women in domestic, private and public places had reached
alarming levels. The Dakar Declaration acknowledges that “women are subjected
to violence and to the threat of violence in their daily relationships” and
that violence “deprives women bf their ability to achieve full equality” and
thereby threatening their safety, freedom and autonomy”.
In
Nigeria,
it is estimated that one in every five women faces some forms of violence
during her lifetime, and these often result to injury or death (Abama and
Kwaja, 2009; Okemgbo, et al, 2002). Again, Amnesty International (2005) noted
that about two-thirds of women in Nigeria have experienced physical,
sexual or psychological violence in the family. The report further noted that
women are beaten, punished, raped and even murdered by members of their family.
In some cases, vicious acid attacks leave them with horrific disfigurements.
Girls and young women are forced into early marriage by parents and relatives.
In many communities, the traditional practice of female genital mutilation
still continues to traumatize young girls and leave women ‘with lifelong pain,
and damage to their health. Also, violence against women is frequently excused
and tolerated in communities where women are assigned inferior role,
subordinate to the male head of the family and effectively the property of
their husbands. Most families in Nigeria, husbands and fathers are responsible
for several incidences of domestic violence against, women such as beating,
slapping, rape, and murder. There is no doubt that, violence against one member
of the family profoundly ‘affects every other person in the home, especially as
witnessing violence can have a brutalizing effect, leading to a cycle of
violence perpetuated down the generation. However, violence against women in
the home is widely regarded as a fact of married life that must be tolerated.
This is more pronounced in ‘intimate’ partner relationships such as between
husband and wife, or two people, who are in courtship. Perhaps, violence
persists because discriminatory practices and laws condone and legalize certain
forms of violence against women. For example, dismissive attitudes within the
police and an inaccessible justice system compound the failure of the state to
protect the rights of women. More so, some abuses are often hidden and ignored
because they have been regarded as being in the private domain.
Nevertheless,
domestic violence against women is presently recognized as a global issue
without social, economic, cultural and regional boundaries (United Nations,
1994). The Federal Ministry of Health (2003) noted that the ‘proportion’ of
women and men who justified wife-beating was found to be highest in the
north-central zone of Nigeria, and lowest in the south-west zone. The
proportion was also found to be higher in rural areas than in towns. This is
particularly persistent where families are poor, where’ husbands feel
threatened by their wives’ increased independence, or where men regard beating
their partners as the only way to resolve their conflict. It has also been,
noted that men who grew up m violent households may likely perpetuate the cycle
of violence in later relationships, passing on to another generation the
perception of violence in the home as acceptable.
However,
in Warri ,as well as other major cities
in the country, there is hardly a day that passes in which the media
(newspaper, television, and radio) do not report incidence of domestic violence
against Women. The negative consequence has been frequent divorce, separation
between husbands and wives, adultery, lack of love, happiness and harmony in
most homes in Warri area. The problem of domestic violence against women cuts
across all levels, irrespective of class, education or financial position of
family members. Domestic violence against women has several health, human
rights and socio-economic impacts on affected women and their families. For
example, abused women are more likely to suffer from mental health problems
such as depression, anxiety, psychosomatic symptoms, eating problems, and
sexual dysfunctions. Also, women who have been sexually abused are at greater
risk of having unprotected sex as adolescents and adults and therefore at risk
for contracting HIV/AIDS. Affected women may suffer from different reproductive
health problems such as STDs, including HIV/AIDS, gynecological problems and
unplanned pregnancies. The effects of the violence may also be fatal as a
result of intentional homicide, severe injury or suicide (Mutangadura, 2008:8).
Sexual
abuse for school children lead to the affected girls dropping out of school.
The traditional practice of early marriage also leads to many female children
dropping out of school. In all, if gender based violence remains unchecked,
there is a perpetuation of gender inequality.
Moreover,
children brought up without the influence of mothers can easily turn
delinquents and criminals. Yet, little regard has been given to domestic violence
against women and girls as abroad social issue, even less effort has been
devoted to tackling the underlying causes of violence against women in the
family. However, literature indicates that women play a central role in the
family unit. More so, they contribute to all the functions of the family such
as family creation, economic support, childrearing and family care giving.
Therefore, the present of a mother within the family is so important for
adequate parental role. The presence of a mother should be recognized and
supported in every way. This study is therefore an attempt to examine the
incidence of domestic violence against women and its effects on parental
responsibility in Warri area of Delta State.
1.2 Statement of the Problem
Although there have been efforts and studies
for some years now aimed at addressing the problem of violence against women in
Africa generally, and Nigeria in particular. There still exists a vast evidence
of discriminatory practices and customs against women in the family. In most
developed countries, studies on domestic violence against women have been
conducted with the aim of having better knowledge and understanding of the
implications of violence against women and girls in the family. However, the same
is not true for developing countries, Nigeria inclusive. The issue of
domestic violence against women and girls is not only a concern in Nigeria, but
also in other parts of the world. According to the 2006 census, females
constitute over half per cent of the Nigerian population. Out of this 62 % of
the female population is aged 15 to 64 years and 43 % of them were married
(National Population Commission, 2006).
This
shows that majority of Nigerian women are likely to be at risk or have been
victims of violence in the family. The family is equated with sanctuary as a
place where individuals seek love, safety, security, and shelter. But the
evidence shows that it is also a place that imperils lives, and breeds some of
the most drastic forms of violence perpetrated against women and girls. Despite
the Female Genital Mutilation (FGM), the nature and prevalence of violence
against women and girls have not been properly documented and understood. Again,
there have not been mechanisms to record complaints of violence against women
in the family systematically, in spite of acknowledgement for several years
that such monitoring was needed and that women were fearful of bringing
complaints to the authorities. The only official records of complaints are made
by Nigeria’s National Human Rights Commission, which recorded 45 complaints of
violence in the family in the first nine months of 2013. The report indicated
that torture and inhuman treatment, wife beating, denial of medical care and
forced marriage, as well as desertion by husbands, denial of freedom of
worship, denial of inheritance and unauthorized withdrawal of funds were among
those issues complained about (NHRC,2013).
The
incidence of domestic violence against women and girls cuts across social,
economic, cultural and educational background (Parish, et al, 2004), and it is
found in both rural and urban communities. Some studies have shown that 20 to
50 per cent of women have suffered beating from a male intimate partner (Heise,
1994). Violence or threat of violence from males has tended to hamper the
involvement of women in socio-economic activities. Over the years, intimate
partner violence was primarily regarded as spouse abuse, and mostly limited to
battering, but the dimensions have now widened. Indeed, several women were
unable to protect themselves from unwanted pregnancy and Sexually Transmitted
Diseases (STDs) following intimidation, battering, sexual abuse, and rape by
male family members — husband, brother and or other male relations. The issue
of women empowerment may be a mirage in Nigeria if the problems faced by
about half of the population are not properly addressed. Women, in fear of
violence, are unable to refuse sex or negotiate for safer sexual practices, and
are thus exposed to all kinds of infections including dreaded Human
Immune-deficiency Virus/Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (HIV/AIDS). They
are also vulnerable to sexual abuse and molestation. Despite the pervasiveness
and persistence of the problem of domestic violence against women and girls in
the family, the issue has not been given adequate research attention. The
importance of establishing the prevalence and associated patterns of nature of
violence against women and its effect on parental responsibility in terms of
playing their motherly role, upbringing of children among others, are said to
be very crucial to addressing women predicaments in the country. Therefore this
research work is an attempt to close the gap in literature by addressing how
the parental responsibility in the family is relegated to suffer over domestic
violence against women, using Warri metropolis as a study.
1.3 Research Questions
The
following research questions are considered for this study
(a) Who are the perpetrators of domestic
violence against women and what motive
their action?
(b)
What are the nature and causes of
violence against women in the family?
(c) What are the effects of violence against
women on parental responsibility?
(d)
What measures should be put in place
to reduce the incidence of domestic
violence against women to ensure adequate parental role in the family?
1.4 Objectives of the Study
The
main objective of this study is to investigate the incidence of domestic
violence against women and its influence on parental responsibility, with special
reference to Warri Metropolis. The general objectives include:
(a) To
identify the main Perpetrators of domestic violence against women and what
could be attributed to their actions.
(b) To find
out the causes domestic violence against women in the family.
(c) To
know the consequences of domestic violence on parental responsibility in
Nigeria.
(d) To make
appropriate recommendations on how to reduce the incidence of domestic violence against women to the
barest minimum in order to ensure adequate parental responsibility in Nigeria.
1.5 Justification for the Study.
The
rational for the investigation of violence, against women in Nigeria is
justified following the negative effects violence has on the parental role in
the modern family. Violence against women is a measure on societal
inequalities. Although females may use physical force against their male
counterparts either husbands or otherwise, women are generally considered the
main victims of family violence (Galindo and Serrano, 1994). Historically,
violence against women dates back to patriarchy where husbands and fathers
controlled everything. In patriarchal societies, husbands demand obedience and
wives suffer battering and other forms of violence for challenging their
position. Remarkably, poorly educated men take advantage of their physical
strength and solve family problems with their fist (Tilbrook,E et’el).
Furthermore,
the prevalence; nature and consequence of domestic violence against women in Nigeria
in generally and Warri in particular, are yet to be established. In this study,
it is argued that, there is the need to carry out a systematic analysis of the
nature, characteristics, and the prevalence as well as the causes of the
problem under study. This is with a view to providing a pragmatic and
sustainable solution to a pandemic social issue. This is the major concern of
this study.
1.6 Scope and Limitation of the
Study
The
study examines the nature and prevalence of domestic violence against women and
its effects on parental responsibility with particular reference to two Local
Government Areas in metropolitan city of Warri, namely: Udu and Uvwie local
government area. The analyses in this study are based on information elicited
from respondents from the two selected local government areas in Warri. The
concern of this study is about prevalent incidence of domestic violence against
women and girls and their impact on their parental responsibility. Violence is
sometimes inflicted against men by women, but they are very minimal compared to
that of women. The unit of analysis in this study consists of women and men.
This is as a result that violent relationships may likely be less stable than
non-violent relationships.
1.7 Operational Definition of Terms
Violence
This
is the use of threat or force which may be physical, emotional or mental by one
person (or people) against others. It results in pain, injury, humiliation
and/or degradation.
Domestic Violence
This
is any act of violence that is committed against a woman or girl simply because
she was born female. These are likely to result in physical, sexual or
emotional suffering to the women. Violence includes threats as well as use of
force.
Family Violence
This
involves all forms of violence (physical, psychological, sexual, and
economical) that manifest within the family irrespective of gender difference.
Intimate partner abuse
This
involves the physical, sexual, and/or psychological abuse to an individual perpetrated
by a current or former intimate partner.
Family
stability
This
refers to the state of peace, unity and harmony within the family.
CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL
FRAME WORK
2.0 Introduction
This
chapter examines some of the literature and materials related to the concept of
violence against women in the family. It also critically highlighted on some
theories that could help to investigate the variables in order to make a
comprehensive understanding of the concept.
2.1 The Concept of Domestic
Violence against Women
There
is no universally agreed terminology for referring to gender-based violence and
violence against women (Baker, 2007). Many commonly used terms have different
meanings across regions, and derive from a range of theoretical perspectives.
The terms ‘gender-based violence and violence against women’ are often used
interchangeably; however gender-based violence can also refer to violence
against men. However, it is necessary to distinguish gender-based violence from
other forms of violence. Gender-based violence refers to all types of violence
targeting a specific group or individual where the victim’s gender is a primary
motive or risk factor. This is different to indiscriminate violence where the
victim’s gender is irrelevant. Both men and women can be victims of
gender-based violence. But, the term ‘domestic violence’ often refers to as
domestic abuse, spousal abuse, child abuse or intimate partner violence is
broadly defined as a pattern of abusive behaviors by one or both partners in an
intimate relationship such as marriage, dating, family, friends or cohabitation
(Lynn, 2004).
Violence
against women constitutes a violation of women’s rights and fundamental
freedoms. The United Nations (1993) Declaration on the elimination of violence
against women defines Violence against women as:
any act of gender-based
violence that results in, or is likely to result in physical, sexual or
psychological harm or suffering to women including threats of such acts,
coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty whether occurring in public or
private life.
From
this definition, we can say that domestic violence against women is aspect of
gender-based violence, which is as a result of abusive behaviors (physical,
sexual or emotional abuse) perpetrated by one partner upon the other to gain
and maintain control. The World Health Organization (2002) also defines
‘partner violence’ as any behavior within an intimate relationship that causes
physical, psychological or sexual harm, including acts of physical aggression,
such as slapping, hitting, kicking and beating; psychological abuse, such as
intimidation, constant belittling and humiliation, forced intercourse and other
forms of sexual coercion; various controlling behaviors, such as isolating a
person from the family and friends, monitoring their movements, and restricting
their access to information or assistance. Violence against women committed by
intimate partners is often understood as domestic violence or spousal abuse.
‘Intimate partner violence’ overwhelmingly involves a female victim and a male
perpetrator. In most domestic assaults against women in the world, the husband
is the aggressor (Jalal, 1998:7) Forms of intimate partner violence extend
beyond physical violence to psychological and economic violence.
All
forms of sexual violence against women and girls cover the broad spectrum of
sexual assault, including sexual harassment through to rape by a relative,
friend, acquaintance, neighbor, work colleague or stranger in any setting. The
most egregious form of this violence is gang rape.
Globally, men experience higher levels of
physical violence than women as a result of war, gang related activity, Street
violence, and suicide, while women and girls are more likely to be assaulted or
killed by someone they know, such as an intimate partner (Bott, Morrison, and
Ellsberg, 2005). This review uses the term domestic violence against women for
two reasons. First, it highlights the fact that it is women who overwhelmingly
experience gender-based violence.
Second, it distinguishes domestic violence against women from
male-to-male violence. But serious, male- to-male violence is not generally
‘deeply rooted in structural relationships of inequality’ (Garcia Moreno,
Jansen, and Ellsberg, Heise, and Watts, 2004).
However,
with the global recognition of violence against women in the 1990s, many
policymakers and policy documents use the term ‘violence against women’ and
‘domestic violence’ interchangeably, or, while acknowledging the violence
against women, focus almost entirely on domestic violence in terms of policy
and intervention. It includes cases of rape, battering, homicide, incest, and
psychological abuse, forced prostitution, trafficking .in women, sexual
harassment, genital mutilation, and dowry-related murder. (Heise, 1993:171).
Violence against women stems from gender
inequality and discrimination. Effectively combating violence against women
requires a proper understanding of the phenomenon. It involves a product of
complex interactions between risk and protective factors operating at the
individual, relationship, community and societal levels. These factors may vary
between different settings and forms of violence, and care must be taken to
understand the cultural context of each setting (Bott, Morrison, and Ellsberg,
2005: 15).
Indeed,
violence against women is a manifestation of historically unequal/power
relationships between men and women” and as one of the “crucial social
mechanisms by which women are forced into a subordinate position compared with
men”. Indeed, violence is rooted in the systematic institutionalized day-to-day
experiences of power imbalance. Thus, the social groups in any society that do
not possess equal power have little control over their lives and are
perpetually victims or targets of physical and sexual violence, discrimination,
harassment and poverty. Madunagu (2007:53) also agreed that violence against
women results from the unequal power relations between men and women following
unequal distribution of power in the society. It is different from other forms
of violence in the sense that it arises from the only fact of being female.
Hence, violence against women and girls is gender-based. Unlike other forms of
vio1ence, violence against women is also sexual and mental, apart from being
physical. It occurs in every community, all social, cultural, economic, and
religious groups. At the societal level, ‘‘violence against women is most
common within cultures where gender roles are strictly defined and enforced,
where masculinity is closely associated with toughness, male honor, or
dominance; where punishment of women and children is accepted, and where
violence, is a standard way to resolve conflicts (Heise, et al., 1999; Jewkes,
2002). While abuse occurs in all socioeconomic settings, poverty and stress
associated with poverty contribute to intimate partner violence (Jewkes, 2002).
The
Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (1999) states that
discrimination against women is not allowed. The section on Fundamental Human
Rights also noted that no Nigerian should be discriminated for reasons of his
or her ethnic group, place of origin, circumstances of birth, sex, religion or
political opinion. Thus, violence against women includes any act of gender
violence which discriminates against women. Violence against women is thus
unconstitutional in Nigeria
and should be illegal in any of its forms.
In
Nigeria,
just like most other countries, the Criminal Code and the Penal Code punish
several offences of violence, whether directed t women or at men. This includes
assaults (like slapping or beating), manslaughter and murder. Assault is when
any person either threatens or strikes, touches or otherwise applies force of
any kind to someone else, whether directly or indirectly, without their
consent. If consent is obtained by threat or deceit, it is assault. Applying
force includes any substance or thing whatsoever, if it leads to injury or
personal discomfort. If the
Application
of force leads to grievous bodily harm or is against public policy, then; it is
assault whether or not the victim consented. Unlawful assault refers to where
there is application of force by one person to another, although it may be done
with the consent of that other person. The punishments for assault range from
imprisonment from one year to three years. Assault with intent to commit an
unnatural offence carries a penalty of up to 14 years imprisonment (Nigeria
Criminal Code. Sections, 360). This refers to an assault where sodomy (anal
intercourse) is intended.
2.2 Forms of Domestic Violence
against Women
2.2.1 Physical Violence against
Women
Physical violence against women
involves wife beating or battering.
•
Female genital mutilation;
fighting, beating and even injuring women, especially
in matters concerning choice of husbands, or during disagreements.
•
Rape, which means forcing women to
have sexual intercourse against their
will.
•
Maltreatment of house-girls or
nannies, making women to have dangerous
diseases like AIDS which can kill them. This can happen when a sick person who is aware of his sickness maintains close
contacts with women or girls; forcing
women or girls to abort pregnancies either against their will or without the
advice of medical doctors; and marking different parts of the skin of women
with blades, knives or other dangerous materials.
2.2.2 Psychological Violence
against Women
Psychological
violence against women is the least visible kind of violence and hence, the
most difficult to detect. Indeed, verbal abuse; humiliation, threats,
harassment and confinement can be more harmful than physical attacks insofar as
they seriously undermine the victim’s mental health This form of violence also
includes the following:
·
Threat to use force against women in the
forms of intimidation, shouting, abuses or using forceful language for the
purpose of instilling fear in them.
·
Threatening women (e.g. by shouting or
using forceful language) for the purpose of making them do what they would not
do or agree to bad desires and intentions.
•
Harassing women or not allowing them
their rights to choose, express themselves, or denying them freedom of
association.
·
Putting girls and women in slavery or
bondage and, therefore, denying them their basic human rights and freedom.
• Maintaining
attitudes which discriminate against women (e g in the family, work places, schools, and public places).
2.2.3 Sexual Violence against Women
This includes sexual aggression,
conjugal rape and incest, among others. Sexual aggression is any sexual act
endured under duress. It also involves fondling or otherwise interfering
against the will of women; and such should be punishable offence. Also, women
may be forced to have sex against their will or be handled roughly during sex
or rape by their partners. In many countries, unfortunately, violence in sexual
relations within the couple is not considered as rape in the criminal sense of
the term. A few countries are beginning to accept that rape within the couple
is a crime, while others consider that husbands have the right to unlimited
sexual access to their Under incest, the husband or any other member of the
family may force sexual relations on the children of the family (Mazumdar, et
al., 1995:1866-18-78).
Rape can happen anywhere- in the home, in the
work place, on the street or on the farm, in schools and at social occasions.
2.2.4 Structural violence
Structural violence is often
underestimated as it is less obvious and less direct than physical violence. It
includes any situation where a woman is demeaned simply for being a woman, when
she is deprived of her most fundamental rights, for example, such as the right
to work, to have her own bank account,
etc. Inequalities such as these simply encourage men to behave violently
towards women.
2.2.5 Economic violence
Economic violence exists, when women
are deprived of resources or essentials, despoiled or kept under strict control
such as:
•
Using money or other worldly
materials like expensive cars to make women
and girls to commit unacceptable sexual acts like having sex with animals.
2.3 Causes of domestic violence against women
There is no one single factor to
account for violence perpetrated against women. However, research has focused
on the inter-relatedness of various factors that should improve the
understanding of the problem within different cultural contexts.
(a) Social Factors
Several complex and interconnected institutionalized
social and cultural factors have kept women particularly vulnerable to the
violence directed at them, all of them manifestations of historically unequal
power-relations between men and women. Some of these factors that contribute to
the unequal to the unequal power relations include: socio-economic forces, the
family institution where power relations are enforced, fear of and control over
female sexuality, belief in the inherent superiority of males, and legislation
and cultural sanctions that have traditionally denied women and children an
independent legal and social status.
In Warri, some of the causes of
domestic violence against women by their intimate partners are often as a
result of excessive consumption of alcohol and other drugs. This has also been
noted as a factor in provoking aggressive and violent male behaviour towards women
and children. Another survey of domestic violence in Moscow reveals that half the cases of
physical abuse are associated with the husband’s excessive alcohol consumption
(UNICEF, 1999)
Economic Factors
Lack of economic resources in most
cities including Warri metropolitan area, is capable of underpinning women’s
vulnerability to violence and their difficulty in extricating themselves from a
violent relationship. The nexus between violence and lack of economic resources
and dependence is circular. On the one hand, the threat and fear of violence
keeps women from seeking employment, or, at best, compels them to accept
low-paid, home-based exploitative labour. And on the other, without economic
independence, women usually have no power to escape from an abusive
relationship (Schuler, Hashemi, Riley, and Akhter, 1996:1729-1742).
In
Warri as well as other places in Nigeria, the economic policy of structural
adjustment, which was introduced in the 1990s helped to intensify all sorts of
violence including domestic violence against women because of the high level of
poverty and unemployment, which meant that most families cannot afford to meet
up with the basic needs of the family. Thus, with increases in poverty,
unemployment, hardship, income inequality, stress, and alcohol abuse, there is
increased violence in society in general, including violence against women.
These factors also act indirectly, to raise women’s vulnerability by
encouraging more risk-taking behaviour, more alcohol and drug abuse, the breakdown
of social support networks, and the economic dependence of women on their
partners (UNICEF, 1999).
(c ) Cultural Factors
Cultural
ideologies - both in industrialised and developing countries -provide
‘legitimacy’ for violence against women in certain circumstances. Religious and
historical traditions in the past have sanctioned the chastising and beating of
wives. The physical punishment of wives has been particularly sanctioned under
the notion of entitlement and ownership of women. Male control of family wealth
inevitably places decision-making authority in male hands, leading to male
dominance and proprietary rights over women and girls. The concept of
ownership, in turn, legitimizes control over women’s sexuality, which in many
law codes has been deemed essential to ensure patrilineal inheritance.
Traditional norms in these societies allow the killing of ‘errant’ daughters,
sisters and wives suspected of defiling the honour of the family by indulging
in forbidden sex, or marrying and divorcing without the consent of the family.
(d) Legal Factors
Lack
of legal protection, particularly within the sanctity of the home, is a strong
factor in perpetuating violence against women. Until recently, the
public/private distinction that has ruled most legal systems has been a major
obstacle to women’s rights. In many countries violence against women is
exacerbated by legislation, law enforcement and judicial systems that do not
recognise domestic violence as a crime. The challenge is to end impunity for
the perpetrators as one means of preventing future abuse. Investigations by
Human Rights Watch (HRW) have found that in cases of domestic violence, law
enforcement officials frequently reinforce the batterers’ attempts to control
and demean their victims. Even though several countries now have laws that
condemn domestic violence,
When committed against a woman in
an intimate relationship, these attacks are more often tolerated as the norm
than prosecuted as laws... in many places, those who commit domestic violence
are prosecuted less vigorously and punished more leniently those perpetrators
of similarly violent crimes against strangers (Human Rights Watch, 1995).
2.4 Effects of Violence against
Women
2.4.1 The Physical Effects
The
physical effects of violence against women include:
·
Bodily wounds which leave them with
permanent and unwanted marks scars, and physical disabilities. For example,
women may have their hands, legs, teeth, lip, or ever heads broken when
violence is committed against them.
·
Sicknesses like hypertension, ulcer, or
permanent burns, and internal bleeding could result from physical attacks on
women.
·
Diseases like gonorrhea, syphilis, VVF
(Vesico-Vaginal Festula), and HIV/AIDS can result from sexual violence on
women.
·
Forced miscarriage of pregnancies or
even destruction of the womb can result from physical attacks on women.
2.4.2 The Psychological Effects
The
psychological effects of violence against women include:
·
Confused state of the mind which makes
women unable to live a normal life with their families.
·
Constant state of anger which makes
women who are victims of violence to want to revenge against other people they
come across in life.
·
Women victims of violence may have problems of
bad dreams which can lead to strange forms of behaviour.
·
Psychological diseases like depression
(or constant bad mood), and mental illness also result from violence against
women.
2.4.3 The Social Effects
The
social effects of violence against women include:
·
Forced isolation or independence. For
example, women in communities or homes where they are not protected from
violence can choose against their will to begin to live on their own. In the
process, they easily become victims of other kinds of violence and crimes in
the society.
·
Prostitution can result from acts of violence
committed against women and girls in the family and the community.
·
Use of dangerous and harmful drugs by women
can occur when they become victims of violence.
·
Destitution of women and their children can
equally result from violence against them. When women and children are forced,
for example, to leave their homes or communities because they are not protected
from violence they could become homeless and would have to live in the streets
or uncompleted buildings as beggars. Again, they also become open to crime and
violence.
2.5
The Influence of Domestic Violence
against Women on parental responsibility
Generally,
the family is regarded as a major social institution and a locus of much of a
person’s social activity. It is a social unit created by blood, marriage, or
adoption, and can be described as nuclear (parents and children) or extended
(encompassing other relatives) (Nam, 2004). At present, the modern family is
undergoing some significant transformations in its structure. This is because
of the societal changes which have caused a sharp reduction in the percentage
of classical “typical” families, especially “nuclear families. Thus there is
the manifestation of such families as childless families, one-parent families,
other family configurations, and quasi-family units based on non-marital
cohabitation. This argument of the decline has been advanced for a number of
decades, but little research has been conducted to test the premise. Bane
(1976) disagreed with that conclusion and pointed out that family sizes were
getting smaller and mobility was splitting up some families, but the family
remained as a functional social institution. (Fields and Casper 2001)
Moreover,
the questions needed to identify non-residential family members would be burdensome
and the information costly to obtain. Parental role involves all that a parent
needs to do n order to ensure the children are brought up accordingly so as to
promote love, harmony and unity within the family. Hence, domestic violence
against women is one of such negative behaviour that affects the parental
responsibility in recent years.
The
Beijing Declaration and the Platform for Action (1995: 27), observed the
significance role of f women in the family. According to the report,
Women play a critical role in the family. The
family is the basic unit of society and as such should be strengthened. It is
entitled to receive comprehensive protection and support. In different
cultural, political and social system, various forms of the family exist. The
rights, capabilities and responsibilities of family members must be respected.
Women make great contribution to the welfare of the family and to the
development of society, which is still not recognized or considered in its full
importance. The social significance of maternity, motherhood and the role of
parents in the family and in the upbringing of children require shared
responsibility of parents, women and men and society as a whole. Maternity,
motherhood, parenting and the role of women in procreation must not be a basis
for discrimination nor restrict the full participation of women in society.
Recognition should also be given to the important role often played by women in
many countries in caring for other members of their family.
In
Warri, women contribute immensely toward family upbringing. This is even common
now when the income of the husband hardly provide for most expenses in the
family such as the payment of children’s school fees, feeding allowances as
well as other economic and social cost. Thus, women in Warri not only work in
offices; but also carry out other responsibilities in order to assist their
husbands. They engage into petty trading and other business activities to
support their families.
Morrison,
Ellsberg, and Bott (2007) argue that women’s access to and control over
economic resources plays significant role in protecting women from violence
Studies suggest that it is an ambiguous factor. In some countries, including Nigeria, poor
women are more likely to experience violence against ‘women. However, in many
countries of the world, there is no significant difference in the levels of
violence experienced by women in poorer households and those in wealthier
households (Morrison, Ellsberg, and Bott, 2007:29-30). However, the options for
escaping violence are greater for women with more economic resources even in
Warri metropolis.
2.6 Dimensions of violence against
women
Data
constraints make it difficult to quantify the problem of violence against women
in most societies. There is the general consensus that there is lack of
up-to-date quantitative research, the exact dimensions of the problem are not
known. This is not surprising; the prevalence of against women is difficult to
measure. For example, the stigma and fear surrounding’ violence (by intimate
partners and non-partners, including strangers) prevent many from reporting
sexual violence and rape, resulting in a significant underreporting of these
crimes.
In
Warri metropolis, domestic violence against women in the family is the most
prevalent form gender-based violence. Some scholars have also noted that
between 25 to 50 % of women in many countries have experienced physical abuse
by a close relation (Gupta, Heise, veiss and Whelan, 1996). According to Duarte (1994), violence
against women is a reflection of societal view of violence as a natural
phenomenon based on cultural and other factors which undermine the role of
women in the society. It arises from complex cultural, economic and, social
system that subordinates women in Warri metropolis. It is often exacerbated
when the male indulged in excessive alcohol use, was physically or sexually
abuse himself as a child, witnessed parental violence as a child or was
unemployed. Again, sexual abuse as a child can lead to self abusive behaviour
as an adult, including smoking, alcohol/drug abuse, unprotected sex and
prostitution (Heise, 1994).
It
is also noteworthy to point out that customary marriage laws consider a wife as
a property owned by the husband and that traditionally, divorce carries a
considerable social stigma (especially on the women) are indications of
societal discrimination against women and power play between the man and the
woman. In the Yoruba culture, there is the phenomenon of “da le m’ osu “- this
is stigmatization of a female member of the household who either should have
been married, or has once been married but now lives in her father’s
house/compound (Ajala, 2007:20). From this perspective, a woman who is a victim
of domestic violence ‘may continue to stay in ‘such relationship, for the fear
of the societal stigma. In Nigeria, Odunjinrin (1993) pointed ‘out ‘that women
are often encouraged to stay in abusive relationships because of the cultural
be1iefs that a woman’s place is with her husband and because divorced and
separated women are not held in high social regard compared to women who remain
in marriage.
Furthermore,
traditional and cultural practices affecting the health and lives of most,
women. Around the world, these women and girls continue to suffer the harmful
and life-threatening effects of traditional and cultural practices that
continue under the guise of cultural and social [conformism and religious
beliefs. Examples include: early or forceful marriage, marital rape, female
genital mutilation, beating, gender discrimination, etc.
(i) Female Genital Mutilation
(FGM): It has been estimated that nearly 130 million women
worldwide have undergone FGM and that approximately two million undergo the
procedure every year (World Bank, 2007).
(ii) Early marriages: Early
marriage, with or without the consent of the girl, constitutes a form of
violence as it undermines the health and autonomy of millions of young girls.
The legal minimum age of marriage is usually lower for females than for males.
In many countries, the minimum legal age for marriage, with parental consent is
considerably lower than without it; more than 50 countries allow marriage at l
6 or below with parental consent ((Hynes, Ward, Robertson, Balaban, Koss,
Crouse, and Larson, 2003: 58). Early marriage leads to childhood/ teenage
pregnancy, and can expose the girl to HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted
diseases. It is also associated with adverse health effects for her children,
such as low birth weight. ‘Furthermore, it has an adverse effect on the
education and employment opportunities of girls.
2.7 Theoretical Perspectives
There
are many theories of family violence as well as domestic violence against women
in literature. However, in this study, we shall explore on the following two
theories..
2.7.1 Social Learning Model of
Domestic Violence
The
social learning theory provides a broad analysis to examine the individual
within the larger social context in which he/she is situated. ((Barnett,Perrin
& Perrin,2005) the social learning school of thought is of the view that
experiencing violence in the family of origin contributes to one’s risk of committing
wife abuse during adulthood. (Cunningham et el 1998). Thus, that people model
behavior that they were exposed to as children. By the same token, they state
that violence is learned through role models provided by the family eighter
directly or indirectly and reinforced in childhood and continued in adulthood
as a coping response to stress or a method of conflict resolution. Barnet,
Perrin & Perrin (2005) state that:
“Abusive parents provide children
with a classroom for learning specific forms of abusive behaviors, particularly
attitudes and distinct cognitions that justify violence”.
A
critical analysis of this information shows that the social learning school of
thought holds that, male violence is as a result of men’s socilalization. Nance
The socialization process of men takes place from birth and perpetuated through
childhood stages and practiced throughout life. For example, men’s
aggressiveness towards women to prove their strength is something that young
boys learn from childhood. (Tshesane 2001) moreover, notions of male dominance
are thought within institutions of masculinity. Be that as it may, the
connection between these two variables is over-elaborated as the major cause
for violent action. Witnessing spouse of batters (Loseke at al1999). Argument
forwarded in support of this postulation perceives that, the interaction of
these two variables only happens to few men (Blacklock, 2001). Not all men who
had abusive experience in childhood will go on to be batters and conversely,
not all batters have had abusive childhoods (Barnett et al 2005)
2.7.2 Feminist Approaches
Feminism
incorporates diversity in terms of its approaches to domestic violence.
Feminist theory is not homogeneous. It represents a broad range of often
contradictory viewpoints and political affiliations and, as such, is dynamic
and pragmatic (Featherstone, 1997). Despite diversity and debate, however,
feminism holds some central convictions about the position of men and women in
society (Renzetti, 1994). All who espouse a feminist understanding would accept
a fundamental tenet of the feminist movement: that society is structured in
patriarchy. Within a patriarchal social order, men maintain a privileged
position through their domination of women, and their monopoly of social
institutions.
Women
are relatively disadvantaged in a social system that ensures and perpetuates
their subordination by men and predominately male institutions. Feminists look
to the historical roots of these inequities to explain the deeply gendered
division of power in contemporary society (Holly Johnson,1993). Laws relating
to property and inheritance, divorce and child custody, and the franchise,
traditionally reinforced male privilege. Historically, laws relating to
interpersonal violence did not directly address the issue of domestic violence
and gave tacit support to husbands who “chastised” their wives through the use
of physical force, within the privacy of their own homes.
Patriarchy
is seen as a pervasive influence in the formation and maintenance of all our
primary institutions in contemporary society (Holly Johnson, 1996) from the
legal system, through health and education, to the nuclear family, on the micro
level. Feminists contend that our language, our knowledge base, and our
definition of social problems are all constructed within a patriarchal
paradigm. Thus, what is given importance and what is not, what is heard and
what is not, and what is silenced and what is not is filtered through the lens
of male privilege (Olson, 1997).
In
the late 1960s and early 1970s, feminist activists and advocates started to
speak out on behalf of the many silenced and fearful battered women with whom
they were working. Their efforts served to challenge prevailing beliefs t1at
woman abuse was rare, and that, when it did occur, within the context of
marriage or cohabitation, it was attributable to the psychopathology of the
participants. Even in the face of women’s reports of horrendous violence,
conventional wisdom held that; the problem lay in the couple dynamic. Within
these dyadic-individual explanations, there were no victims and perpetrators,
only sadists and masochists. Even those who had an Uneasy feeling that women
were not enjoying the victimization they reported were silenced by the weight
of orthodoxy. The courage of a vanguard of feminist activists and advocates
served to break this societal “conspiracy of silence” and to raise the issue,
as a social problem, to public consciousness. Their revelations were met with
fear, derision, condemnation, hostility, and, for some, a measure of
recognition as they received public validation for their own previously held
private beliefs.
From
a feminist perspective, the need to continue to affirm the centrality of patriarchy
to the issue of domestic violence, both in terms of victim/perpetrator
“dynamics” and societal and systemic inequities. Theoretical and explanatory
models of domestic violence that ignore the patriarchal context in which
domestic violence occurs are flawed, and meaningless. Two explanatory models of
domestic violence have emerged from the advocacy and counseling work undertaken
with abused women: the Cycle Theory of Violence, and the Power and Control
Wheel. The cycle of violence identifies three phases that characterize many
incidents of domestic violence: the tension building period, the acute
battering incident, and the loving contrition or absence of tension period Walker, 1993). Some
feminist counselors/advocates have raised concerns about the use of “the cycle”
claiming that it could be construed to implicate women in their victimization
and as suggesting that women have some degree of control over the abusive
behaviour of their partners. Perhaps the most problematic aspect of the cycle
for many is the concept of “learned helplessness,” which is said to grow out of
the woman’s inability to predict outcomes in their partners’ behaviour, based
on their own actions and reactions (Walker,
1993). This process should not, Walker
cautions, be construed as inherent helplessness or weakness in the battered
woman. Psychotherapists who work with abused women advocate that these
developmentally determined feelings of helplessness be addressed with the goal
of therapy being empowerment (Hattendorf and Tollerud, 1997). However, the
second explanatory model, the power and control wheel, has emerged as the most
commonly used model for the treatment of both men and women.
Empirical Support
Studies
of the causes, dynamics and responses in relationships characterized by
violence are problematic from a feminist perspective. When couples participate
in research that focuses on this violence, there are fears that the
intervention could lead to an escalation of violence. Some feminists argue that
couple counselling and research should, not be undertaken under these
circumstances. There are other reasons that feminist arguments do not easily
lend themselves to empirical study using the traditional scientific method.
Lack of consensus on the operational definitions of key concepts is one.
Some
feminists would claim that conventional methods of analysis are patriarchally
constructed and, as such, are antithetical to a feminist approach. Feminist
models for explaining and addressing domestic violence have evolved primarily from
counseling and advocacy work with female victims and survivors. The main body
of literature and even recent study (Canadian Panel on Violence Against Women,
1993) is based on the narrative and anecdotal accounts of women. Theories and
interventions have developed inductively from “clinical” or “case” studies.
These methods have contributed to a body of knowledge that, while receiving
extensive face validity on qualitative and descriptive level, does not lend
itself to the scrutiny of traditional scientific study (Poulin and Ross, 1997).
Some
studies seek to uncover the power and control dynamics by looking at the
instrumental nature of male aggression. Men may use violence, because of their
size and strength, to compensate for their perceived inadequacies. For example,
women may be at risk of partner violence when. They are better educated or
better paid than their mates. McCloskey (1996) examined the effect of
socioeconomic factors on the use of coercive control within the family.
Although occupational disparity was unrelated to domestic violence, when
women’s economic resources approached or exceeded their partner’s they were
more likely to be abused. Anderson
(1997), studying data from the National Survey of Families and Households, came
to a similar conclusion. In examining the effects of development and
modernization in Mexico,
Oropesa (1997) found that expanding educational opportunities for women
correlates with a lower risk for domestic violence. Education differences and
reward power were found to contribute to severe violence by Claes and Rosenthal
(1990). They found that educational disparities are a more powerful predictor
of Violence than power, and that men who have a higher level of education
perpetrated more severe violence on their partners. They also found a
correlation between a batterer’s perceptions of his partner’s high ability. To
provide rewards and the severity of violent acts, the authors suggest that
their study indicates the need to understand more about power in relationships.
Power may interact with other variables (educational disparity and reward
ability of partners to explain acts of severe violence.
In
a meta-analytic review of 29 studies of domestic violence (Sugarman and
Frankel, 1996), the authors concluded that their findings offered “limited
support for the ideological component of the patriarchal theory of wife
assault” (Sugarman and Frankel, 1996: 1). In examining attitudes towards
violence, gender roles and gender schema only two of the five predicted effects
received support. Assaultive husbands were more likely to perceive use of
marital violence more acceptable than were non-assaultive husbands. Assaulted
wives were more likely to be classified as having a “traditional” feminine
gender schema than were their non-assaulted counterparts. Contrary to the
initial predictions, violent husbands were found to have more
“undifferentiated” gender schema than non-assaultive husbands; assaulted women
were found, unexpectedly, to hold more liberal attitudes to gender roles than their
non-assaulted counterparts; and violent husbands held shi1ar attitudes towards
women as did non-violent husbands (Sugarman and Frankel, 1996: 33).
Studies
of domestic violence within extended family systems in traditionally
patriarchal societies tend to Challenge these hypotheses. They also raise
important questions and unique issues. Studies conducted in India (Prasad,
1994, Fernandez, 1997), although relatively small scale, demonstrate that
domestic violence occurs within traditional extended family systems, and that
it occurs within the context of institutionalized patriarchy Abuse can take the
forms of violence, economic dependency, and fem1e sterilization. It may be
legitimized as dowry inadequacy or, failure to produce male children and female
members such as mothers-in-law may be co-opted to inflict abuse as well
Solutions, within a specifically Indian context, are seen in providing women
with the means to obtain economic autonomy and security and independence from
the families into which they marry. These studies show that when an Indian
woman is abused, she has almost no alternatives, either structurally or
informally, than to remain with her violent husband and his family.
Morley’s
extensive study of domestic violence in Papua New Guinea also serves to
support a feminist perspective and largely refutes the claim that woman abuse
is a product of modernization (Morley, 1994). She found that “men’s right to
control their wives through beating them has a long history in most Papua New
Guinean social structures, predating contact with Westerners” (Morley, .1994:
47). Morley found that, although wife abuse has about twice the prevalence in
the urban Papua New Guinea context as in industrialized countries, it does not
appear to be more prevalent in urban than in rural Papua New Guinea. Her survey
data suggests, however, that victims may experience more severe and frequent
violence in the urban context Morley suggests a variety of reasons for these
changes as provided by her urban respondents, the relative isolation of the
privatized nuclear family, a breakdown in traditional kinship ties, changing
roles and expectations, increased independence of women arid a corresponding
increase in sexual jealousy on the part of their husbands, increased access to
and. use of alcohol by men, stresses involving money and increased awareness of
the issue of domestic violence and a corresponding lack of social structures to
address the needs of victims. Morley identifies these changing “explanations”
as justifications and asserts that, whether in rural or urban Papua New Guinea,
violence against women would compare with other developing and industrialized
societies, with men’s motivation to control their wives, and social structures
that permit them to do so, as common unifying themes.
A
study of wife abuse in urban China
examined the impact of political change on the incidence of domestic violence
(Xu, 1997) by documenting changes wife assault rates over three historical
periods. Xu argued that the “patriarchal family system and gender inequality
within the family are largely responsible for the prevalence of wife abuse”
when women “occupy powerless and subordinate positions in the family” .The
incidence of wife abuse declined significantly following the Chinese socialist
revolution (1949), possibly because of laws and policies which improved the
socio-economic position of women and addressing legally instituted inequities
that discriminated against women. The incidence of wife abuse increased
significantly during the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), however, a period
when state violence was used to “reinforce ideological hegemony and social control”
(Rushe 1997). During the post-Mao reform period, “trends m wife abuse tended to
decrease or leveled off’ (Rushe, 1997) the author predicts that the Deng
reforms (which have seen the rise of the market economy, the weakening of
centralist policies and an increase in discrimination against women) may lead
to increased wife abuse.
In
a study of Chinese immigrant brides to the United States, explanations of
domestic violence suggest that pre-existing “patriarchal values and norms” are
compounded by “structural constructs (immigration, social isolation)” (Chin,
1994: 64). The author acknowledges the legal and societal injustices to which
women have been subjected in traditional Chinese society, in a culture where
girls are enjoined to obey their fathers, their husbands, after marriage, and
their eldest sons, if they are widowed. Chin urges an integrated model of
marital violence is best suited to the experience of Chinese immigrant
families. The author suggests that this model incorporate theories relating to
power inequality, family disharmony and husband’s suspicion of infidelity.
(Social and sexual) as intervening variables with independent variables of
differential expectations and value conflict.
Domestic
violence affects women in countries throughout the world. In many countries
governments do not have the will or resources to provide protections for abused
women. Some of these women flee their original countries to seek asylum in the United States,
where the immigration and Naturalization Service has established guidelines to
assist adjudicators to deal with gender-related. Asylum claims (Seith, 1997).
Since these guidelines were established, officers have recognized such claims
when they relate to female genital mutilation and rape .The author uses
extensive political and legal material to urge that these precedents be
extended, in practice, to include victims of domestic violence.
Feminists
claim that patriarchy is supported by social and political institutions, study
that compares sexual coercion reported by university students in Sweden and the United States
provides empirical Support for the feminist perspective (Lottes and Weinberg,
1997). In Sweden,
where levels of violence and interpersonal violence are lower than in the U.S., students
reported lower rates of both physical and non-physical sexual coercion than did
their U.S.
counterparts. The lower rates reported by Swedish students were attributed to a
weaker double standard of sexuality, and the fact that women in Sweden have
more institutional power and social benefits.
In
a study of wife abuse amongst Hispanic and Anglo Americans in the U.S. (Kantor,
Jasinski and Aldarondo, 1994) the authors noted that, although only a
relatively small number of Cuban families was studied, they found that ‘wife
assaults among Cuban families are virtually non-existent (Kantor, Jasinski and
Aldarondo,1994: 218). They observe that this may be attributed to less male
domination and segregated gender roles within these Cuban-American families
than in their counterparts in Cuba.
In view of their finding, further study of Cuban and Cuban-American families
may prove fruitful to our understanding of domestic violence from a cross
cultural perspective, particularly in the light of Cuba’s political history. Overall,
the authors did not find that a cultural mechanism was responsible for the
transmission of domestic violence. Their study suggests that unemployment,
alienation and cultural marginality form the
“underpinnings of abuse” in the populations studied (Kantor, Jasinski
and Aldarondo, 1994:218).
CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3. O Introduction
The
methodology used in the conduct of this research is the quantitative and
qualitative method. Quantitative and qualitative research studies problem by
collecting information from several sources including both primary and
secondary materials, which constitute the data pertinent to the study. The research
gathers the materials and then critically analyses them to discover their
relevance to the research questions, how they relate to the subject, and the
meaning of the information obtained (Wiersma, 1991:14-15).
This
study would adopt the descriptive survey research design because of its
economical nature in drawing inferences and collecting data from a large
population on the influences of domestic violence against women on family
stability in Warri Metropolis. Specifically, the methodology includes the Study
location, study population, sampling procedure and how the information required
would be elicited from the respondents. The methods, of analysis for the data
collected would also be presented.
3.1 The Study Area
The
study was conducted in Warri Metropolis, Delta State of Nigeria. Two local
government areas within Warri Metropolitan were adopted. They include Udu and
Uvwie local government area. These two local government areas are found within
Warri Metropolitan areas.
3.2 The Study Population
The
population of the study includes ever-married women aged 15 to 60 and men aged
20 to 65 years. The category of men aged 50 to 60 was included in order to
obtain information on the experiences they had in their marital relationships
over the years. Again, they would understand better the nature, causes and
effects of reasons for the incidence of domestic violence against women in the
family. Thus, interviewing both men and women provided the opportunity for
comprehensive understanding of the nature and implications of family violence
on women and girls.
[[
3.3 Samples and Sampling Techniques
The
sample was intended to consist of 250 respondents, with at least each local
government area having 50 respondents. However, due to certain constraints,
only 240 respondents (180 Urban areas, 40 Rural areas) were reached. Majority
of the respondents were from urban areas because of the larger population. The
female proportion of women in the sample is higher because they are the group
that is more vulnerable to violence. However, men -are included in the study
due to the fact that the issue of violence is gender related and as a result,
in order to proffer possible solutions, the views of men need be considered.
More so, it is important to point out that the men and women in this study are
not couples. This is done in order to reduce the chances of under reporting as
well as reduce biased responses. The questionnaires were administered to
respondents in their homes, churches, offices and other public places.
3.4 Method of Data Collection
The study used both primary and secondary
sources of data collection. The primary sources of data were collected through
questionnaires and in-depth interview. To elicit information, open-ended
questions and follow up questions were asked during the course of interview to
facilitate basis for references drawn from the responses. For the secondary
sources, data was collected from textbooks, journals, and documentary sources
and reports.
Indeed,
the researcher administered the questionnaires with the help of Field Research
Assistants. Unfamiliar terms were explained to some respondents, to indicate
and tick their choices. More so, adequate effort was ensured in the proper
administration of the questionnaire.
3. 5 Research Instruments
A
structured questionnaire and interviewed schedule was used in obtaining data.
Interview -method was employed in collecting information from respondents. The
questions relating to the respondent’s socio-economic and demographic
characteristics, as well as questions that solicit the nature and prevalence of
violence were asked. Also questions about marriage, knowledge and perceptions
of respondents on violence, types, causes, consequences of violence among
others were included in the questionnaire. Again the interview advances to
provide answers to some of the research questions raised early in the study.
I. The Structured Interview -
Questionnaire
The
respondents were randomly sampled from the four local government areas, while
the correspondent results (questionnaires) were electronically analyzed. The
questionnaires have two sections. The first section examined the demographic
characteristics of the respondents, while the second part elicited information
on the objectives which the study intended to achieve.
The
data generated from the interviews help to contextualize some of the responses
from those who filled the questionnaires.
The
choice of the questionnaire in preference to other survey techniques was
because of the large population, geographical coverage and the financial
implication involved in reaching the people if other methods were used.
ii. In-depth Interviews
An
In-depth interview session was conducted with men and women. The interview
schedule was based on the premise that it was one of the reliable and sensitive
methods of obtaining information pertinent to human activity. In addition, it
was a way of having dialogue with respondents on a one on one basis on how they
perceived the incidence of domestic violence against women and girls and its implications
on the stability of the family. This helped to generate information in a
personalized manner and ensured that a higher degree of anonymity was observed.
A total of 15 respondents were interviewed, from the four local government
areas.
3.6 Method of Data Analysis
Data
analysis involved the use of appropriate qualitative and. quantitative
techniques to accomplish both descriptive using content analyses. Data
collected through Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) and in depth interviews were analyzed
mainly through content analysis. This process involves the translation and
transcription of both in-depth and structured interviews. This was followed by
the examination and isolation of the various responses that threw light on the
study objectives. By adopting this method, both the discussions and responses
from in-depth interviews and structured interview were imported into the
analysis on the merit of their analysis.
The
data collected through In-depth interviews were applied to the thematic issues
under discussion. The responses from quantitative data (questionnaires) were analyzed
using the simple percentage, frequency distribution table. It was done by
coding, summarizing, and analyzing through the use of Statistical Package for
the Social Sciences (SPSS) through the computer. Hence, frequency, percentages
and tables were used.
Qualitative
content analysis which is also known as ethnographic content analysis
facilitates contextual meaning m text through the development of emergent
themes (Bryman, 2001) derived from textual data. Qualitative content analysis
may also be derived through manifest content, whereby respondents’ actual words
form concepts, or through latent content, whereby concepts are derived from the
interpretation and judgment of participants’ responses (Wood, 2001). This is a
widely used method of eliciting meaning from text, and is increasingly
undertaken through computerized software packages (Woods and Roberts, 2000)
3 7 Validation of Instrument
In
order to ascertain the validity of the instrument (questionnaires), copies of
the drafts were made available to experts in the Faculty of Social Science, and
the researcher’s supervisor for critical appraisal and in determining the
extent to which the questionnaire elicited information they were intended to
achieve or early praised to proffer appropriate responses to the research
questions.
3 8 Field Work Experience
In
the course of this research, like other Peace and Conflict Studies, there were
problems encountered in collecting data. The, first problem was in trying to
explain the essence of the study. It took some time to convince them that the
information given by them would not be used against them. Initially they viewed
the research with suspicion and so were reluctant to respond to questions put
to them, on one occasion seeing the questionnaire and interview guide they had,
though it was meant to pass some information to against their personality.
There
was the usual difficulty of getting back the administered questionnaires (of
the 280 questionnaires administered and distributed 240 were recovered) as well
as in getting complete interview from victims of domestic violence, some of
them stylishly avoided some questions and most did not give me audience This
they say was a mark of disrespect in Africa context
CHAPTER FOUR
DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS
4.0
Introduction
This
chapter analyses and discusses the findings obtained. A total of two hundred
and fourty (240) copies of the questionnaires were administered. Out of this total,
two hundred and fourty (210) were returned, twenty (20) were not returned,
while ten (10) were wrongly filled. Therefore, 210 (86%) of the questionnaires
were returned. Therefore, this analysis was based on the 86% that formed the
confidence level of the study. Such a high percentage of success was recorded
because, a lot of women, especially showed great interest in the study.
DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION
Table 4.1 Distribution of Respondent based on Local
Government Areas and their Headquarters
|
Local
Government Area
|
Headquarter
|
Frequency
|
Percentage
(%)
|
|
Uvwie
|
|
140
|
59
|
|
Udu
|
|
100
|
41
|
|
Total
|
|
240
|
100
|
Source Field Survey 2015
Table
4.1 above shows that majority of the respondents 140 (99%) were from Uvwie
Local Government Area. This was followed by Udu which constituted 100 (41%) of
those whose opinions were sampled.
SECTION A: SOCIO-DEMOGRAPHlC
CHARACTERISTICS OF RESPONDENTS
This
section discusses the socio-economic characteristics of the respondents in the
four Local Government Areas under
focus Specific variables examined include sex, age, marital status, religion, education, occupation,
resident, duration of marriage and monthly income. It is imperative to have
knowledge of these aspects of the respondents’ background since they are likely
to inform their level of knowledge on the incidence of domestic violence
against them.
Table 4.2 Distribution of Respondents by Sex
|
Sex
|
Frequency
|
Percentage (%)
|
|
Male
|
60
|
25
|
|
Female
|
180
|
75
|
|
Total
|
210
|
100
|
Source: Field survey 2015
Table
4.2 shows that out of the two hundred and ten (210) returned copies of the
questionnaires, forty-five (45) which accounted for 22% of the total
respondents were males, while one hundred and sixty-five (165) which was 78% of
the total respondents were females. In other words, majority of the respondents
were females.
The female proportion is four times that of
the male, which is because they form the group that is more vulnerable to domestic
violence. Hence, men are included in the study due to the fact that the issue
of violence is gender related and as such, in order to proffer possible
solutions. It should be mentioned that the men and women in this study are not
couples. Couples were not interviewed to reduce the chances of under reporting
as well as biased responses. Though couples were not interviewed, information
about respective spouses was obtained from the respondents.
Table 4.3: Distribution
of Respondents by Age
|
Age
|
Frequency
|
Percentage (%)
|
|
18
– 28 years
|
30
|
14
|
|
29
– 39 years
|
58
|
27
|
|
40 – 45 years
|
46
|
22
|
|
46 – 55 years
|
50
|
25
|
|
56
and above
|
26
|
12
|
|
Total
|
210
|
100
|
Source: Field Survey 2015
Table
above shows that sixty (30) which was 14% of the total respondents were between
18-28 years, (58) which was 27% of the
total respondents were 29 — 39 between years, while fourty-six (22%) were 41 —
45 years of age. Fifty (50) which was 25% of the respondents were between 46-55
years of age. Only 56(12%) of the 210 respondents were above 56 years of age.
Therefore,
majority of respondents were women that have experienced domestic violence in
the family between the age bracket of 29 -39 years.
Table 4.4 Distribution of Respondents by Marital Status
|
Respondents
|
Frequency
|
Percentage (%)
|
|
Single
|
15
|
7
|
|
Married
|
75
|
36
|
|
Separated
|
70
|
34
|
|
Divorced
|
35
|
16
|
|
Widow/widower
|
15
|
7
|
|
Total
|
210
|
100
|
Source: Field Survey 2015
Table
4.4. indicates that, out of the two hundred and ten (210) respondents, seventy
five (75) which was 36% were married, while fifteen (15) which was 7% were
single, those who have separated from their spouse were seventy (70) which was
34%. Only thirty-five (35) which was 16% have already divorced in their
marriage, but fifteen (15) which was 7% had lost either their wives or husband.
Thus
majority of respondents were married couple who had experienced domestic
violence in their relationship at one time or the other.
Table 4.5 Distribution
of Respondents by religion
|
Region
|
Frequency
|
Percentage
(%)
|
|
Christian
|
175
|
83
|
|
Muslim
|
10
|
4
|
|
Traditionalist
|
15
|
9
|
|
None
|
10
|
4
|
|
Total
|
210
|
100
|
Source: Field Survey 2015
Table
4.5 is to show whether the religion of respondents affect their responses on
the influence of domestic violence against women on parental responsibilities.
From the table, out of the two hundred and ten (210) respondents, one hundred
and seventy-five (183) which was 83% of the total population were Christians;
ten (10) which was 4% were Muslims, while fifteen (9) which was 9% of respondents
were Traditionalists. Ten (10) which was 4% could not indicate their
involvement in any religion.
Table 4.6 Distribution of
Respondents by Education
|
Education
|
Frequency
|
Percentage
(%)
|
|
No education
|
40
|
19
|
|
Primary school
|
58
|
27
|
|
Secondary school
|
60
|
29
|
|
Diploma certificate
|
20
|
9
|
|
University education
|
32
|
15
|
|
Total
|
210
|
100
|
Source: Field Survey 2015
The
above Table shows that respondents without
any formal education were 40 (19%), while respondents with primary education
were 58 (27%), those respondents that had secondary school education were 60
(29%), respondents with diploma were 20 (9%) while those with university
education were 32 (15%) respectively. What this simply implies is that
respondents with secondary education, primary education and those without
formal education formed the bulk of respondents in the study. One can therefore
infer that the respondents were in a good position to proffer and supply
functional and reliable answers to the questions in the questionnaire.
Table 4.7 Distribution
of Respondents by Occupation
|
Occupation
|
Frequency
|
Percentage
(%)
|
|
Trading /Business
|
65
|
31
|
|
Farming
|
32
|
15
|
|
Civil servant
|
50
|
24
|
|
Not working
|
38
|
18
|
|
Others
|
25
|
12
|
|
Total
|
210
|
100
|
Source: Field Survey 2015
Table
4.7 contains analysis on the occupational characteristics of the respondents.
According to the table, majority of the respondents are either engaged in
trading or civil service work. These two economic activities account for 31%
and 24% of respondents’ occupational activities. Another 38 (18%) of
respondents are not working while 32 (15%) respondents have farming as their
main source of occupation. The remaining 25(12%) of respondents have other
activities which was not specified as their occupation.
Table 4.8 Distribution of
Respondents by types of Residence
|
Types
of Residence
|
Frequency
|
Percentage
(%)
|
|
One-Room
|
41
|
20
|
|
Two-three room
|
76
|
37
|
|
Flat
|
68
|
32
|
|
Duplex
|
25
|
11
|
|
Total
|
210
|
100
|
Source: Field Survey 2015
Table
4.8 revealed the type of residence of respondents. As evidenced from the table,
most of the respondents are still living in two-three rooms or flat
respectively. As expected too, only few lived in one-room apartment or duplex.
Table 4.9 Distribution
Of Respondents by year in marriage
|
Years
in marriage
|
Frequency
|
Percentage
(%)
|
|
1-5 years
|
48
|
23
|
|
6-10
|
78
|
37
|
|
11-19 years
|
64
|
30
|
|
20 years and above
|
20
|
10
|
|
Total
|
210
|
100
|
Source: Field Survey 2015
Table
4.9, shows that respondents who have been in marriage between the year bracket
1 -5 were 48 (23%), 6 — 10 years age bracket were 78 (34%), while 11 — 19 years
were 68 (30%) and 20 and above years were 20 (10%) respectively. From this
table, respondents that have married for 11 — 19 years were mostly encountered
by the researcher and their views will constitute more in this study.
Table 4. 10 Distributions of
Respondents by Monthly Income
|
Amount
|
Frequency
|
Percentage
(%)
|
|
Below N15,000.00
|
50
|
23
|
|
N16,000.00-N21,000.00
|
65
|
29
|
|
N22,000.00-N36,000.00
|
45
|
21
|
|
N37,000.00-N49,000.00
|
32
|
17
|
|
N50,000.00 and above
|
18
|
10
|
|
Total
|
210
|
100
|
Source: Field Survey 2014
Table
4. 10 above indicates that majority of the respondents are middle income
earners it is clear that majority of the respondents 65 (29%) earn between N16,
000.00 to N2 1, 000.00 at the end of the month. This was followed by 50 (23%)
of respondents that earn below N15, 000.00, while 45 (21%) of the respondents
earn between N22, 000.00 to N36, 000.00. Another 32 (17%) of respondents earn
between N37, 000.00 to N49, 000.00. The least of the respondents were those
whose monthly income are either N50, 000.00 and above.
The
prevailing low or middle income is not surprising going by the educational and
occupational characteristics of the residents. These three characteristics —
income, education and occupation have serious implications on the stability of
the family. For instance, due to the poor level of education, most women lack
skills that could fetch them good jobs, hence, the prevailing subjugation of
women for various forms of physical, economic, and psychological violence in
the family by their partners. This aggravates poverty and affects their ability
to participate in decision that can better their living conditions.
SECTION B: DATA PRESENTATION
Questionnaire
and structured interview were used to elicit information on domestic violence
against women and its influence on family stability. The responses from these
instruments were analyzed, tabulated and discussed.
Research Question 1: Who are the
perpetrators of domestic violence against women and what motivate their
actions?
Table 4.11 Do women in Warri suffer
violence in the family?
|
Response
|
Frequency
|
Percentage
(%)
|
|
Yes
|
190
|
90
|
|
No
|
12
|
6
|
|
Undicided
|
8
|
4
|
|
Total
|
210
|
100
|
Source: Field Survey 2015
Table
4.11 above attempts to find out whether
women in Warri metropolis suffer violence in their respective families or not.
Findings
show that 190 (90%) respondents agreed that women suffer violence in the hands
of their partners. While 12 (6%) of the respondents disagreed, but 8 (4%)
respondents were not certain on the issue. One of the respondents interviewed
noted that:
The incidence of domestic violence against women is
not peculiar to any age group or socio-economic class. It cuts across the
various strata of the society. However, impatience and lack of trust are the
main reasons for most cases of violence against women these days. In Warri, for
instance, both young and old indulge in the act of violence which usually leads
to divorce and separation. When one listens to radio daily, there is no doubt
hearing the incidence of divorce as a result of violence.
This
corroborates with the findings of Heise (1994) that the incidence of violence
against women is largely universal. The implication is that the chances that a
woman will not in her lifetime escape being a victim of family violence are
slim.
Table 4.12 Have you or any of your
female friends experienced sexual harassment in the family?
|
Response
|
Frequency
|
Percentage
(%)
|
|
Yes
|
120
|
57
|
|
No
|
50
|
24
|
|
Don’t know
|
40
|
19
|
|
|
210
|
100
|
Source: Field Survey 2015
Table
4.12 above reveals that majority of women both young and adult have experienced
sexual harassment perpetuated by male members of the family one time or the other.
This revelation is based on the responses above, as over half of the total
respondents 120 (57%) agreed that themselves or their friends have experienced
sexual harassment in the family in the form of rape or smooching.
That
majority of women who suffer sexual harassment in the hands of their partners
have been supported by other studies. For instance, Omonubi-McDonnell
(2003:156) in her study of Gender Inequality in Nigeria observes that “sexual
harassment is a manifestation of the powerlessness wrought by women’s economic
situation and reinforced by their psychological training”
Research Question 2: What are the
nature and causes of violence against women in the family?
Table 4 13 Men learned abuse of
their spouse through their and family friends
|
Response
|
Frequency
|
Percentage (%)
|
|
Yes
|
160
|
76
|
|
No
|
30
|
14
|
|
Undecided
|
20
|
10
|
|
Total
|
210
|
100
|
Source: Field Survey 2015
From
the above findings, it shows that majority of respondents 160 (76%) especially
women, agreed that men learn abuse of spouse through their various relationship
with family and friends. However, 30 (14%) of the respondents did not agree, while
20 (10%) of the respondents were undecided.
A
related analysis of social learning model as stated by Barnet, Perrin &
Perrin (2005) Thus:
“Abusive
parents provide children with a classroom
for learning specific forms of abusive
behaviors,
particularly attitudes and distinct cognitions
that
justify violence”
One of the respondents
at the course of interview lamented
“When we first got
married, my husband wasn’t like this. He started beating that was when I
noticed most of his friends were divorced with their “wives.
Table 4.14 .Domestic
violence against women undermine their parental role at home.
|
Response
|
Frequency
|
Percentage (%)
|
|
Yes
|
135
|
64
|
|
No
|
30
|
14
|
|
Don’t know
|
45
|
22
|
|
Total
|
210
|
100
|
Source: Field Survey 2015
The
researcher further attempts to know the Domestic violence against women
undermine their parental role at home. Findings indicates that majority of the
respondents 135 (64%) are of the opinion that Domestic violence against women
undermine their parental role at home, while. 30 (14%) disagreed. Out of the
total respondents, only 45 (22%) of the respondents were uncertain.
Table 4.15 The Customary Practices
and Legislative process is responsible for domestic violence against women.
|
Response
|
Frequency
|
Percentage
(%)
|
|
Yes
|
138
|
58
|
|
No
|
44
|
18
|
|
Don’t know
|
58
|
24
|
|
Total
|
240
|
100
|
Source: Field Survey 2014.
Findings
from table 4.15 above shows that majority of the respondents 138 (5 8%) agreed
that some customary practices and legislative proeesses in the country
contribute rather than reduce the incidence of domestic violence in the family
which could influence the stability of the family negatively. Contrarily, 44
(18%) of the respondents disagreed while 58 (24%) said “don’t know.” In view of
the above findings, a respondent stated that:
Laws
focused on violence against women are not enough. Broader legal reforms are
required, particularly in the areas of family and property law. Complementary
social and welfare policies strengthen the effectiveness of legal reforms.
Enacting new laws is meaningful only if resources are provided to facilitate
implementation. This often requires training for justice system personnel,
education for the general public, and social transformation. Indeed, social
change and transformation often pave the way for legal changes.
Table 4.16: The prevailing economic
condition in the country as responsible for the high incidence of violence
against women in the family.
|
Response
|
Frequency
|
Percentage
(%)
|
|
Yes
|
160
|
67
|
|
No
|
62
|
26
|
|
Don’t know
|
18
|
7
|
|
Total
|
240
|
100
|
Source: Field Survey 2014
The
researcher intend to find out the extent to which the economic condition in the
country which is predominantly characterized by poverty, unemployment and poor
standard of living could be responsible for the incidence of violence against
women in the family, particularly in Asaba metropolis. From the survey, it
shows that the present economic situation has escalated the incidence of
violence against women among families in Asaba. This evidence is revealed from
the fact that majority of the respondents 160 (67%) said “yes”, while the other
respondents constituting 62(26%) had a contrary view. But 18 (7%) were
indifferent on their opinion that the prevailing economic condition is
responsible for most incidence of
Table 4.17 Lack o
respect by spouse is the major cause of domestic violence against women
|
Response
|
Frequency
|
Percentage
(%)
|
|
Yes
|
148
|
62
|
|
No
|
58
|
24
|
|
Don’t know
|
34
|
14
|
|
Total
|
240
|
100
|
Source: field survey 2014
Table
4.17 above indicates that majority of the respondents 148 (62%) responded in
the affirmative stating that lack of respect by one’s spouse causes domestic
violence against women in the family, while 58 (24%) of the respondents
disagreed. But 34 (14%) of the respondents were unsure whether lack of respect
is actually responsible for some of problems between husbands and wives or
other people in intimate relationship.
The
researcher is of the view that most incidence of violence against women or
intimate partner violence are as a result of lack of respect. In order to
reduce the violence against women, couples should learn to respect each other.
Table 4.18: Lack of male child lead
to incidence of violence in marital relationship.
|
Response
|
Frequency
|
Percentage
(%)
|
|
Agree
|
168
|
70
|
|
Disagree
|
47
|
20
|
|
No comment
|
25
|
10
|
|
Total
|
240
|
100
|
Source: Field Survey 2014
Th6
above table shows that domestic violence against women in the family is more
prevalent when there is no male child in the relationship. This evidence is
attested to from the respondents’ view that majority of those interviewed 168
(70%) agreed that lack of male child is sometimes responsible for marital
disharmony. On the other hand, 47 (20%) of the respondents had contrary view;
however 25 (10%) were indifferent on the matter.
Table 4.19: Mass Media as a source of Domestic violence against women in
the family.
|
Response
|
Frequency
|
Percentage
(%)
|
|
Yes
|
42
|
18
|
|
No
|
84
|
35
|
|
Don’t know
|
114
|
47
|
|
Total
|
240
|
100
|
Source: Field Survey 2014
As
indicated, in table 4.19 above, majority of the respondents, precisely 114
respondents, representing 47% of the sample population claimed that they were
uncertain whether mass media such as radio, television, and internet contribute
.to the escalation of domestic violence against women in the family. This is
followed by 84 respondents representing 35% who disagreed, while 42 respondents
representing 18% agreed.
Indeed,
mass media is a powerful agent of change and socialization in any society. In Asaba,
the influence of mass media such as radio, newspaper, television, films, video
and internets contribute to violence culture, including violence on women
because most of the negative violent behaviours are learn through them.
Table 4.20: Is Poverty responsible
for incidence of domestic violence against women.
|
Response
|
Frequency
|
Percentage
(%)
|
|
Yes
|
190
|
79
|
|
No
|
40
|
17
|
|
Don’t know
|
10
|
4
|
|
Total
|
240
|
100
|
Source: Field Survey 2014
In
response to Table 4.20 on whether the high level of poverty in the country is
responsible for frequent incidence of domestic violence in recent times,
majority of the’ respondents 190 (79%) agreed, while 40 (17%) were of contrary
view. The remaining respondents that consisted 10 (4%) were not certain
One
of the teachers interviewed in a secondary school stated that the high
incidence of poverty these days is the major cause of different types of
violence including domestic violence against women. When the family is poor, it
is the wife that suffers most. And some husbands abandon their wives and
children.
Table 4.21: Is Domestic Violence
against women most prevalent in polygamous families?
|
Response
|
Frequency
|
Percentage
(%)
|
|
Yes
|
158
|
66
|
|
No
|
34
|
14
|
|
Don’t know
|
48
|
20
|
|
Total
|
240
|
100
|
Source: Field Survey 2014
Table 4.21 reveals that, of two hundred and
fourty (240) respondents whose opinions were sampled, majority. 158 (66%)
believed that domestic violence against women is most prevalent in polygamous
families, while an overall total of 34 (14%) of the respondents disagreed, and
48 (20%) of the respondents were not certain whether incidence of domestic
violence against women is common in polygamous families or not Polygamous
family refers to the family where a man marries more than one woman.
Research Question 3: What are the
effects of domestic violence against women on family stability?
Table 4.22: Are Children in
violence homes victim of child abuse?
|
Response
|
Frequency
|
Percentage
(%)
|
|
Yes
|
158
|
66
|
|
No
|
34
|
14
|
|
Don’t know
|
48
|
20
|
|
Total
|
240
|
100
|
Source: Field Survey 2014
Table
4.22 shows that majority of the respondents are of the view that children in
violence home are most likely to be victim of child abuse. Fifty-five which
represent 23% of the respondents agreed that children in violence homes
experience child abuse, while one hundred and twenty- eight (128) which
accounted for 53% strongly agreed. Thirty-three (33) which made up 14% of the
total population disagreed. Only twenty-four (24) which was 10% of the total
population strongly disagreed that children in violence homes are most likely
to be victims of child abuse. It appears from the above discussion that
majority of respondents are of the view that children whose parents always
engage in violence are likely to be victim of abuse either in the home or
elsewhere.
A
male respondent who is a clergy says:
Violence
against one member of the family profoundly affects everybody in the home, and children are traumatized by
the abuse of their mother.
Another
respondent (a pastor) captured this in the following statement:
…..I
will say that most girls that had premature pregnancy or who turn to
prostitution are from families whose parents build their homes without the
ideal foundation of God. What do you expect, for instance, when the father or
mother engages in extramarital affairs? What do you expect when the parents are
irresponsible to themselves? The children will likely do anything they like
because the. Parents, either mother or father is not living to their
expectations. They quarrel like cat and dogs. In most cases, the children would
be neglected and allow to fend for themselves.
The
researcher is of the view that incidence of domestic violence in Asaba affect
children because of improper training by parents. So, it is important that
parents live an exemplary life capable of emulation by their children.
Table 4.23: Do children who witness
incidence of domestic violence in the family easily turn delinquent?
|
Response
|
Frequency
|
Percentage
(%)
|
|
Strongly Agree
|
98
|
41
|
|
Agree
|
60
|
25
|
|
Strongly Disagree
|
30
|
12
|
|
Total
|
240
|
100
|
Source: Field Survey 2014
From
table 4.23, it is clear, that majority of respondents are of the view that
children that witness violence in the family easily turn deliquent in the
community. The table shows that out of the total number of respondents 98 (41%)
strongly agreed that violence in the family can contribute to violent and
delinquent behaviours among children, while 60 (25%) of the respondents agreed.
Fifty-two (52) which was 22% strongly disagreed to this statement while thirty
(30) which accounted for 12% of the total respondents disagreed that domestic
violence against women in the family leads children to display delinquent
behaviours. This is to say, that majority of the respondents agreed to the
statement that domestic violence in the family affects their children behaviour
negatively.
A
secondary school teacher explains in her narration saying that:
Most
of the delinquent and criminals we have in the country now is as a result of
broken homes. How can a family bring out a better and responsible child when
the husband and wife is not in harmonious relationship or build their marriage
on the foundation of Christian virtue. When there is quarrel or dispute between
husband and wife the children in most cases, are affected economically,
socially and psychologically to the extent that some may be withdrawn from
schools, abuse, fostered by irresponsible people. In essence, it generates
cycle of violence for such children. Moreso, the children may not have a good
role model to copy. In short, all these have implication not only for the
wellbeing of the child but also the entire family members. To the society, it
increases social ills and criminals acts.
Hence,
parents should devote adequate attention toward proper upbringing of their
children, as this will go a long way to reduce incidence of violence not only
families but also m the society at large.
A
related research conducted by Peled, Jaffe and Edleson (1995) also observed
that children who witness violence at home display emotional and behavioural
disturbances as diverse as withdrawal, low self-esteem, nightmares, and
aggression against peers, family members and property. It was also shown that
in 60% to 75% of families in which a woman is battered, children are also
battered (Osofsky, 1999:33-49). In addition, children living in households
where domestic violence usually occurs are at a higher risk for sexual abuse.
Based
on the data collected through questionnaire and in-depth interview, we can
infer that most women in Asaba metropolis do suffer domestic violence which
leads to health related problems as a result of violence inflicted on them by
their intimate partners.
Table 4.24: Domestic violence
against women affects economic stability and welfare of family members.
|
Response
|
Frequency
|
Percentage
(%)
|
|
Strongly Agree
|
116
|
48
|
|
Agree
|
86
|
36
|
|
Strongly Disagree
|
28
|
12
|
|
Disagree
|
10
|
4
|
|
Total
|
240
|
100
|
Source: Field Survey 2014
The
distribution shows that majority of the respondents 116 (48%) strongly agreed
that domestic violence against women could affect economic stability and
welfare of family members, while 86 (3 6%) of the respondents agreed. The
remaining 28 (12%) vehemently disagreed to the claim, while 10 (4%) disagreed.
One
of the female educated traders submits that:
Witnessing
violence can also have a brutalizing effect leading to a cycle of violence
perpetuated down the generation the long-term effects are often depression,
other mental health disorder and suicide. It is really a public health issue.
Indeed,
it is important that domestic violence in families is reduced in all
ramifications, so that there will be harmony and stability in our respective
families in Asaba
Another
respondent, a female Barrister, opined that:
Violence
against women and the broader problem of gender inequality is a significant
constraint on development. It negates every area of development activity, and
is an abuse of human rights. The vicious cycle of poverty and violence against
women is multidimensional. It takes an accumulating toll on human and financial
resources, economic production, food security, education, health and welfare,
across the public and private sectors, and at each level of civil society.
There
is no doubt that violence against women retards development, and works contrary
towards the achievement of the gender equality as outlined by the United
Nations in the Millennium Development Goals Project. Therefore, we should endeavour
to eliminate all forms of violence against women in our families, considering
the important roles women play in families.
Table 4.25: Domestic violence
against women in the family affects the reproductive health of women
|
Response
|
Frequency
|
Percentage
(%)
|
|
Strongly Agree
|
92
|
39
|
|
Agree
|
86
|
36
|
|
Strongly disagree
|
40
|
16
|
|
Disagree
|
22
|
09
|
|
Total
|
240
|
100
|
Source: Field Survey 2014
Table
4.25 shows that ninety-two (92) respondents which were 39% strongly agreed that
domestic violence against women in the family affect the reproductive health of
women. While eighty-six (86) which accounted for 36% of the total respondents
agreed to this claim, forty (40) which was 16% of the respondents strongly
disagreed with the view that domestic violence in the family affects the
reproductive health of women. Another twenty-two (22) which accounted for 9%
also disagreed with the claim.
This
implies that majority of respondents were of the view that reproductive health
affects women that experienced domestic violence with their partners. Indeed,
in Asaba most delinquent children are from broken homes or single handedly
brought up by single parents. Some of these problems are as a result domestic
violence against women especially the mother. This .has also resulted to frequent
separation and divorce in Asaba metropolis, and consequently improper training
of children when “the mother is not here” and sexual abuse of some children
especially the female child. Indeed, this usually has negative effect on the
stability of the family and the nation at large.
A
study in U.S.
also found that women who experienced intimate partner abuse were three times
more likely to have a gynecological problem than was non-abused women (Campbell, et al., 2002)
As
observed from the study, the researcher is of the view that beating, rape, and
other forms of attacks also have health implications for women and children as
well as the education and social wellbeing of other family members. Thus,
efforts should be made to carry out legislation in Oyo State
and Nigeria
to punish perpetrators of domestic violence against women as has been done in
developed countries.
CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND
RECOMMENMDATIONS
This
chapter presents a summary of the study, the findings and draws conclusions and
makes certain recommendations.
5.1 Summary
The
first chapter deals with the introduction to the study. In it, focus was on the
general background information on the issue of domestic violence against women
and its influence on family stability. Attention was also given on the problem
statement, the question which the study tends to proffer answers to and the
objectives which it tend to achieve, the rationale for the study as well as the
justification for it was considered. Moreso, definition of some important
concepts was examined in order to make for a better understanding. The scope
and-framework of the study was also examined.
Chapter
two of the study gave an insight into the relevant literature. In order to help
readers have a better understanding of the drift of this study, related
literature to the subject matter were discussed These were domestic violence
against women, forms of violence against women, nature and causes of domestic
violence and the effects or consequences of domestic violence against women.
Focus was also on the influence of domestic violence against women on family
stability. The study also identified some theoretical basis that justified
violence against women.
Chapter
three focused on the research methodology. The instrument used to carry out the
study — - questionnaires and in-depth interview techniques were employed. The
method of data collection and anaIysis were all highlighted. Purposive and
random sampling techniques were adopted in selecting .a total of 240
respondents. Respondents were selected from 4 Local Government Areas out of the
6 Local Government Areas that comprised the Metropolitan Asaba. Copies of
questionnaires were given to the respondents personally with the help a
research assistant in the homes and public places such as markets, offices,
churches, mosques and recreation centres. All the useful questionnaires were
carefully examined. The study adopted the simple percentage to analyse data
gathered from respondents.
Finally,
chapter four presented the analysis of the data collected and the discussion of
the findings.
The
study showed that the female proportion is more than that of male, which is
because they form the group that is more vulnerable to domestic violence.
Indeed, men are included in the study due to the fact that the issue of
violence is gender related and as such, in order to proffer possible solutions,
the views of men need be considered. It should be mentioned that those
interviewed in this study are within the age bracket of 29—39 years.
The
results also indicate that about 75% of the respondents are females. The
results show that most of the respondents attained secondary school. It also
revealed that they are most traders who lived in two — three room apartments
and had spent 11 to 19 years in their marriage. Indeed, their monthly income
ranges between N16, 000.00 to N21, 000.00. The implication is that there is
need to take affirmative action to encourage and ensure that women attain
higher level of education than they do at present in Asaba.
The
findings of the study revealed that most women in Asaba were victims of
domestic violence especially by their intimate partners. From the study, it was
shown that about 67% of women in Asaba have been sexually harassed.
The
results show that the prevalence of power disparity, customary practices,
legislative processes, economic condition are responsible for incidence of
domestic violence in Asaba. Other factors identified by the study include lack
of respect by spouse, lack of male child in marriage, influence of mass media
(radio, television, internet, magazines, etc), poverty as well as the
polygamous nature of most families in Asaba.
The
study showed that domestic violence against women affects the family stability
in different ways. Results revealed that children in violence homes are more
likely to be abuse and delinquent. In addition, the findings indicated that
domestic violence against women affects the economic, social and physical well
beings of family members.
The
study finally revealed that most women who were victims of violence in the
family suffer from reproductive health problems such as: chronic pelvic pain,
vaginal bleeding or discharge, vaginal infections, painful menstruation, sexual
dysfunction, fibroids, pelvic inflammatory diseases, painful intercourse,
urinary tract infection, infertility among others
5.2 Conclusion
The
study carried out an investigation on the influence of domestic violence
against women on family stability. It examined the nature, causes and effect of
domestic violence against women in Asaba
Delta State.
Therefore, four Local Government Areas were purposely selected as samples for
the study. The selection of the Local Government Areas cut across all the
Metropolitan Asaba both urban and the rural areas. The Local Government Areas
are:
(i)
Oshimili South L.G.A.
(ii)
Oshimili North L.G.A
(iii)
Anocha South L.G.A
(iv)
Anocha North L.G.A
(From
the findings of this study, it an be deduced that the incidence of domestic
violence against women is prevalent in all societies and cuts across all
socio-economic strata irrespective of ages, educational background, religion,
income, residence of respondents.
Women
constituted the bulk of the study, because they form the group that is most
vulnerable to domestic violence in the family. Respondents were asked about the
incidence of domestic violence and their experience about it in their
respective families.
Thus,
the study revealed that women of all ages are victims of domestic violence in
the family. Findings show that majority of women suffer violence in the hands
of their partners. This is indicated by 208 respondents that asserted to this
claim. The distribution shows that majority of the respondents 116 (4 8%)
strongly agreed that domestic violence against women affect economic stability
and welfare of family members.
The
result has shown that traditional and cultural practices still play a
significance role in the incidence of domestic violence against women. It is
the general belief, especially among women that men exercise much control on
their lives.
The
study also revealed that majority of women both young and adult have
experienced sexual harassment, one time or the other, in the family and this
was usually perpetuated by male members of the family This revelation is based
on the responses, as over half of the total respondents 160 (67%) agreed that
they have experienced sexual harassment in the family in the form of rape or
smooching
The
research unveiled that reproductive health of women are drastically at risk
following violence perpetuated by men in some families Indeed, most health
related diseases and sickness suffered by women are as a result of beating,
torturing and rape by their intimate partners.
Furthermore,
the study also revealed that domestic violence against women in the family is
more prevalent in Asaba metropolis especially when there is no male child m the
relationship this evidence is attested from the respondents’ view, that
majority of those interviewed. 168 (70%) agreed that lack of male child is
usually responsible for marital disharmony However, parents should understand
that there is no child that cannot bring pride to the family Hence, that a male
child is not born should not be enough reason to perpetuate violence against
such women in the family.
In
Asaba metropolis, this study confirmed that domestic violence against women can
easily result to child abuse. This revelation became obvious as majority of
respondents 128 (53%) attested to the claim that domestic violence against
women have seriously affected the stability of most relationships as well as
families leading to separation and divorce in most cases.
The
study further indicated that in Asaba metropolis, mass media may not be
responsible for the incidence of domestic violence. This indication came as
majority of the respondents, 1.14 (47%) claimed that they were uncertain
whether mass media such as radio, television, dailies and internet contribute
to escalate domestic violence against women in the family. From this
indication, it shows that mass media as one of the agents of socialization
propagates both negative and positive ideals in the society. Hence, some
violent men learn their acts through the media, especially films.
Finally,
the study has shown that women who are not gainfully employed in Asaba are more
likely to experience domestic violence than those who work, especially in the
formal sector. Also, women in polygamous families are more likely to experience
domestic violence. Indeed, the researcher observed that domestic violence
against women influenced stability of their families, including the well-being
of children and family members in various ways in Asaba.
5.3 Recommendations
From
the findings and conclusions of this research work, it may be pertinent to make
some recommendations that would guide in reducing the incidence of domestic,
violence against women and its influence on the stability of families not only
in Asaba but also in Nigeria
generally. Thus, the following recommendations are hereby suggested.
I.There
is need to empower women through education, employment opportunities, legal
literacy, and rights to inheritance. Thus, human rights education and information
regarding domestic violence should be provided to women because this is a
matter of their absolute rights. Again, integrated supportive services, legal
intervention and redress should be made available in situations of domestic
violence against women. Hence, there is need to assist women to rebuild and
recover their living conditions’ after violence; and this should be part of the
intervention strategy.
ii.
Community groups and government institutions should be trained to identify
women at risk of domestic violence so that their problems are addressed
adequately. In view of this, there is need to’ mobilize local communities to
address all forms of domestic violence against women such as cultural forms of
behavior that uphold male aggression, beating, punishment and abuse of women as
acceptable. Traditional cultural practices, such as Female Genital Mutilation
(FGM), that violates women’s integrity need to be re-examined and challenged.
Culture is not static and newer forms of cultural norms that respect women and
promote their dignity ‘and safety needs to be put in place.
iii.
Furthermore, community elders and religious leaders should be able to
demonstrate leadership in this aspect. For example, religious leaders such as
pastors, priests, Imams, among others, should be advised to re-examine
doctrines and cultural practices that lead to the subordination of women and
violation of their rights and correct the anomaly.
IV
Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) should play the fundamental role in bringing
pressure on government to ratify, or withdraw their reservations to, the
international human rights instruments such as the Convention on the
Elimination of All forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and Universal
Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). This is important so as to create awareness
on matters concerning women and the violation of their rights. In addition,
civil society groups and the international community need to initiate and
support reforms of policy law and practice in Nigeria that can protect women and
girls from violence in the home and community.
v.
There is need to ensure adequate
funding for medical practices and hospitals
for treatment of women who are victims of violence in the family. Government should ensure that
all casualty departments are linked to
appropriate welfare and judicial services; and enable women, who are victims of violence in the family
the right to chose women doctors
and other medical staff at medical joints or hospitals of their choice.
vi.
There is need to urge every
individual to combat the negative images of women
and work to challenge the reinforcement of discriminatory attitudes that foster violence against women
and girls, for example, in the mass
media, advertisements or school curricula.
vii.
Efforts should be made to address
factors that contribute to the prevalence
of domestic violence against women by taking measures to promote the equality of women and counter
women’s impoverishment by ensuring equal
access to economic and social rights, including education, freedom of movement, property, employment
and social entitlement and by political
participation.
viii.
Ensuring that all police stations have
dedicated facilities for receiving, registering
and investigating reports of violence particularly domestic violence against women in the family, while
ensuring that all police officers are
trained to deal effectively and appropriately with victims of violent offences in a gender-sensitive
manner.
Finally, the above recommendations
based on the finding of this study become
necessary in order to reduce the incidence of domestic violence against women and its negative influences
on family stability not only in Asaba
but also in Nigeria generally. These recommendations are important because the problem of domestic
violence has tremendous consequences
to both the victim (woman) and other members of the family.
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APPENDIX I
PEACE AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION
PROGRAM,
ARTS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES,
NATIONAL OPEN UNIVERSIY OF NIGERIA, ASABA
STUDY CENTRE
QUESTIONNAIRE
Dear Respondent,
This
questionnaire is designed to collect information on ‘Domestic Violence against Women and its Influence on Family Stability
in Asaba Metropolis’.
The questions are strictly for
research purposes. The exercise is purely an academic exercise and the
information supplies will be handled and treated with absolute confidentiality.
Therefore, kindly supply
appropriate and accurate information by filling and ticking answers which in
your own opinion are best applicable.
Your cooperation is highly
appreciated.
Thank you.
Please
tick where applicable.
SECTION A: DEMOGRAPHIC DATA
1. Sex:
Male Female
2. Age:
(A) 18 —28 years (B) 29—39 years (C) 40 —45 years (D) 46— 55years (B) 56 years and above
3. Marital
Status: (A) Singled (B) Married (C) Separated (B) Divorced
(E) Widow/Widower.
4. Religious
of Respondents: (A) Christian (B) Muslim (C) Traditionalist (D) None
5.
Educational
Qualification of Respondents: (A) No Education (B) Primary School (C) Secondary School (D) Diploma/Certificate
(B) University Education
6.
Occupation:
(A) Trading/Business (B) Farming (C) Civil Servant (D) Not Working (E) Others
7. Types
of Homes/Living Place: (A) One Room (B) Two — Three Rooms (C) Flats (D) Duplex
8.
Years
in Marriage/Relationship: (A) 1 — 5 years (B) 6 — 10 years (C) 11 — 19 years (D) 20 years and above
9. Monthly
Incomes (If on salary):
(A) Below N10, 000.O0 - N15, 000.OO
(B) N16, 000.00 —N21, 000.00 (C) N22, 000
— N36, 000.00 (D) N37, 000.00 —N49, 000 (E) 50,000.00 and above
SECTION B
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10.
Have
you experienced domestic violence with your spouse?
11.
Do you consider the power disparity
between men and women as being responsible
for violence against women in the family?
12.
In your opinion, is the prevailing
economic condition in the country responsible
for the high incidence of violence against women in the family?
13.
Would you say that the absence of
strong legislation on domestic violence
against women is responsible for the continue pawns of women in all hands of abusive husbands or
lovers? (A) Yes (B) No (C) Don’t know
14.
Do women suffer violence within
families in Ibadan?
A) Yes (B) No (C) Don’t know
15
If your answer to the previous
question is yes, would you blame the customary
practices and legislative processes for domestic violence against women? (A) Yes (B) No (C) Don’t
know
16
Have you or any of your female
friends experienced sexual harassment in the
family?
Yes
(B) No (C) Don’t know
17.
Would you say that lack of respect by
spouse is the major cause of domestic
violence against women? (A) Yes (B) No (C) Don’t know
18.
Women without male child suffer mostly
from the incidence of violence in
marital relationship, do you agree or disagree? (A) Agree (B) Disagree (C) No comment
19.
Would you say that domestic violence
against women is learned through mass
media (radio, television, newspapers, films, internet, and magazines)? (A) Yes (B) No (C) Don’t know
20.
Do you consider that .the high level
of poverty in the country is being responsible
for frequent incidence of domestic violence?
(A) Yes (B) No (C) Don’t know
21.
Would you say that domestic violence
against women is most frequent in polygamous
families? (A) Yes (B) No (C) Don’t know
Use the following key as a guide:
Strongly Agree (SD); Agree (A); strongly Disagree (SD); and Disagree (D).
22.
Most children who grow up in violent
homes are more likely to be victim of
child abuse.
23.
Children who witness incidence of
domestic violence easily turn delinquent.
24.
There is hardly stability in economic
well beings of family members where
domestic violence occurs.
25.
Domestic violence against women
usually affects the reproductive health of
women.
26.
Suggest way(s) by which
domestic-violence against women can be prevented
in the family.
(A)
………………………………………………………………………………
(B)………………………………………………………………….……………
(C)………………………………………………………………………………
27.
In your opinion, what do you think can be done to curb the incidence of
domestic violence against women in the family?
(A)………………………………………………………………………………
(B)………………………………………………………………………………
(C)………………………………………………………………………………
(D)………………………………………………………………………………
(E)………………………………………………………………………………
APPENDIX II.
DOMESTIC VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN
AN]) ITS INFLUENCE ON FAMILY
STABILITY IN ASABA METROPOLIS
INDEPTII INTERVIEW GUIDE
1.
In your opinion, do you think that
women face some problems in relationships?
(a)
What are these problems?
(b)
Is the issue of domestic violence
against women part of the problem?
(c)
Who do you think are the likely
victims?
2.
What do you think are the causes of
these problems?
3.
What measures do you think can be
done to curb the incidence of domestic
violence?
4.
How do you think these problems
affect family members?
5.
What are your perceptions of
domestic violence against women in the family?
6.
What should the society do about the
issue of domestic violence?
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